Dear Friend,

I do not remember your name—please forgive me. But during the gala dinner following the closing ceremony of the International Conference on Eritrean Studies, held at Hotel Asmara Palace, Eritrea, from January 4th to 6th, we shared a table with another Eritrean friend. I recall you asking for my thoughts on Somalia, your concern, sparked by a paper on peace, security, and development in the Horn of Africa presented on the first day. You pointed to a discussant’s rejoinder that foreign peacekeeping missions to Somalia had become part of the problem —allegedly arming insurgents and effectively becoming the “fifth or sixth clan” in Somalia. What could their motives be, you wondered? Clearly disheartened, you asked, as if in resignation, what I believed should be done to stabilize Somalia.

Unfortunately, the bus dropping off guests to their hotels arrived, and I had to leave before sharing my thoughts—and without taking your contact. I also didn’t get to ask if you are Somali, but I assume from your interest that you are, or at least you wish well for Somalia. I have since departed Asmara for Kampala, but your question has lingered in my mind, compelling me to pen down a few thoughts in this letter. You mentioned following my social media activity, so I hope you come across these reflections. They are sincere and well-meaning. I will spare you theoretical arguments, which often render to scholarly correctness at the expense of pragmatic and unconventional thought. Instead, I will speak unvarnished truths from my heart to yours.

Motives for AUSSOM

What are the motives of these Missions, you asked. Well, first, your concerns about foreign missions are well-founded, and sadly, the situation is unlikely to improve any time soon. Just last week, on December 27th, 2024, your government once again welcomed the UN Security Council’s endorsement of another foreign mission in Somalia, the African Union Support and Stabilization Mission in Somalia (AUSSOM). Countries, including Uganda, Kenya, Djibouti, and Egypt will contribute troops. The assumption, of course, is that their involvement serves Somalia’s best interests. But nothing could be further from the truth. If you examine their motives, it is obvious that keeping Somalia unstable serves their agendas.

Take Kenya, for instance. Why would it want a stable Somalia when Somali nationals, unable to return to their homeland, contribute massively to Kenya’s economy? Ethiopia, your immediate neighbor, has territorial disputes with Somalia and ambitions to access the sea under its own terms. Why would it tolerate a stable and strong Somalia capable of securing its borders? Egypt, debuting in this mission, is embroiled in a bitter rivalry with Ethiopia over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD). Why would it desire a stable Somalia, which would eliminate the cover provided by AUSSOM for stationing military forces close to Ethiopia’s borders?  Ugandan involvement is equally questionable. Why would Ugandan soldiers bribe their superiors for deployment to Somalia, or commanding officers send their relatives to a conflict zone, unless these missions promised lucrative returns? President Museveni himself, in response to the May 2023 al-Shabaab attack on the UPDF base in Bulo-Mareer, criticized UPDF commanders for deploying “relatives and cooks” and treating these operations as “welfare missions” for accessing UN allowances. These examples are but the tip of the iceberg.

Simply put, my friend, nobody loves you Somalis enough to come and die for you. Every African country involved in these missions has its own interests. Some are there to counter regional rivals, others to earn a living, and still others to profit from your pain for their national gain. However, these motivations—primitive as they are, coming from African actors who should otherwise wish their fellow Africans well—are secondary to a deeper issue: the relentless looting of Somalia’s oil by Western powers, facilitated and obscured by these so-called African-led missions. You need not take my word for it—just investigate who funds these UN missions, often misrepresented as AU-led, or examine Somalia’s recent history for the origins of these interventions. Let me offer a starting point.

During his final years in power, before his overthrow in 1991, your then-President Mohamed Siad Barre granted over two-thirds of Somalia’s land to four American oil giants—Conoco, Amoco, Chevron, and Philips. The country was divided into four exclusive concession blocks, granting these companies the right to explore and exploit tens of millions of acres of Somali countryside. But Barre’s overthrow jeopardized these lucrative concessions. To protect their interests, the U.S. government in 1992, I think, deployed 20,000 troops under the guise of humanitarian aid, ostensibly to save Somalia from famine.

Fortunately, in one of the most patriotic periods of Somali unity, your people resisted this U.S. intervention between, culminating in the famous Battle of Mogadishu (1993). Somali forces inflicted a decisive blow, with American casualties paraded through the streets. Humiliated, the U.S. withdrew its troops but remained unwilling to relinquish the oil concessions granted by Barre. Thus began the idea of African-led peacekeeping missions. Cloaked in the guise of African faces, these missions became instruments of foreign interests. Meanwhile, the U.S. and its allies fueled Somali clan rivalries, arming each against the other to ensure perpetual chaos. This instability created an ongoing need for peacekeeping forces, conveniently masking the continued looting of Somali oil. This pattern persists today, with AUSSOM set to continue, not end, this exploitation.

Now, If I’ve brought some clarity to why these missions—AMISOM, ATMIS, and now AUSSOM—after nearly 20 years, have failed to bring Somalia closer to stability, let me now address your second question:

What should be done to stabilize Somalia?

Drive out foreign forces. All of them. Not one should remain. These missions are not your saviors—they are your chains. Your government, if it continues agreeing to these missions is complicit in the looting of your country in exchange for staying in power. But why do I think driving out these foreign missions is necessary? Because without them, you Somalis will be left to fight uninterrupted until a decisive winner emerges who can secure the country and govern uncontested. By then, the defeated factions will have been killed, surrendered, or fled. If no single faction is strong enough to prevail, you must still be left to exhaust themselves until you all recognize that dialogue and coexistence are less costly than endless fighting.

I know this may sound insensitive, and for that, I am truly sorry. I cannot be anything but honest in what I’ve written. Of course, I may be wrong, or perhaps I am overassuming in some of the things I’ve said. But you should know, I mean well and write this with the sincere hope that Somalia may once again reclaim its lands, its resources, and its integrity. That its children, scattered across the region as refugees, may return to the place they know as home.

Again, please accept my sincere thoughts.

African